Saturday, September 26, 2015

Two Poems For Friday Night

The Wall

No, I cannot love a wall
No matter how pretty and tall; 
I used to try to kick down the wall
In order to reach you;
I used to try to go over the waterfall
In my homemade canoe,
Thinking you'd be on the other side.
I thought my feelings for you would never subside,
But they did and died, like the vine on your wall. 

Wissai
November 27,  2014

Why don't you write me romantic poems anymore?

She called and said, "hi, long time no talk.
You've stopped calling; you don't write me poems anymore.
What happened to your affection for me of yore?
Are you giving me a walk like you did to other women before?"

I coughed and choked and stuttered and stammered.
I tried to speak but had difficulty getting my words out.
I hemmed and hawed like I got hit with a hammer.
How could I explain to her she had lost her glamor?

Mercifully, she hung up on me after saying, "Go to hell, little prick!"
So that was how women typically behaved: all bitches,
Making me rolling all over the floor in stitches.
If only she had acted like a real lady, I'd have been heartsick 

She didn't know by acting rude, she confirmed what I had suspected of her:
All soft, sweet, tender, ladylike of before was not for real
All inconsistencies, stingy, falsely prideful, nose up in air, I wouldn't care.
She didn't know understanding and patience are qualities of appeal

I was tempted to call her back and said, "you've got me all wrong
I ain't no fool, nor a little prick", but the conversation would be too long.
In time, her heart would tell her what was really going on:
Seize the day; grab the brass ring; go for broke; jump into the fire;

Meet me out in the middle of the lake in early winter on thin ice;
Hold me tight and then dance and skate with me all through the night. 
If we fall down and drown, so what? True love is really crazy,
All started with a feeling, making the vision all hazy.

Yes, I believe in Romeo and Juliet, in impossible dreams, 
In tenderness, in swimming against the current upstream.
I fear realism and practicalities, for deep down I'm real crazy.
I still long for soft, sweet, susurrous sound of puppy love. 

Even though I am an old man of sixty-four,
I still dream to row the boat with my beloved to the other shore. 

Wissai
October 2014

Friday, September 25, 2015

Kính thưa ông Trần Quang Diệu:



Cám ơn ông giải thích. Tôi chia sẻ những quan điểm của ông. Tiện đây tôi xin viết thêm quan điểm/nhận xét của tôi, với tính cách chấm phá (impressionistic) và bóng gió, đọc qua có vẻ lạc đề/không ăn khớp:

1. Chúng ta còn hầu chuyện đứng đắn với nhau, tức là còn nể nhau, cho là ngang hàng, xứng đáng trau đổi ý kiến/quan điểm/nhận xét. Ngay cả những người dốt và ngu, như Paul Van chẳng hạn, chọc ghẹo, mỉa mai tôi một cách rẻ tiền để làm tôi bực, tôi chửi họ nhưng ít ra tôi vẫn còn trọng họ còn nhân phẩm, còn biết phải trái, hiểu biết những gì tôi chửi. Nhưng có những kẻ tôi khinh như một con chó ghẻ lở hay một đống phân bẩn thỉu và hôi tanh, nên tôi tránh chúng. Một người bình thường không bao giờ vuốt ve, nói chuyện với một con chó ghẻ lở lói hoặc lấy chân đá vô đống phân. Tôi coi thằng aotranvnch và con mụ hoa tigon gì đó bên Úc như thế. Chúng quá dốt, ít học (chỉ coi cách thức " viết" tiếng Anh hoặc tiếng Việt của chúng thì biết ngay), ngu, và ganh ghét đến mức độ bịnh hoạn. 

2. Xin ông đừng bực với hạng người có não mà không biết sử dụng như VLC làm chi. VLC viết càng nhiều thì càng lộ ra bản chất hời hợt, dốt, bất tài, và kém thông minh, và nạn nhân tự mãn của một sự tẩy não. 

3. Tôi thật tình tôn trọng sự dị biệt trong tư tưởng, nhưng tôi mong một ngày nào đó, những tín đồ Ca Tô Việt nhận thức cái thực chất của tập đoàn Vatican là một tổ chức chinh trị và là một đế quốc núp dưới hình thức tôn giáo để thống trị tư tưởng và nô lệ hoá tín đồ. Tôi không coi những tín đồ Ca Tô Việt hoặc VC là tử thù của dân tộc, mà chỉ là những người lầm lạc. Họ cần phải đặt quyền lợi của đất nước và dân tộc Việt trên hết. Họ có quyền tin vào những giáo điều họ bị nhồi sọ, nhưng họ phải để những giáo điều đó thấp hơn quyền lợi và sống còn của đồng bào và dân tộc. Họ không nên từ bỏ bản năng chăm sóc, đùm bọc lẫn nhau đồng loại dân tộc, nếu không dân tộc Việt sẽ bị diệt/đồng hoá theo thời gian. Không có gì hèn và tủi thân hơn là chúng ta không còn làm chủ đất nước mà tổ tiên, cha ông chúng ta đã anh dũng tranh đấu để lại cho chúng ta.

4. Tôi mến phục những người như ĐC và TPT vì họ có can đảm và ý thức được trách nhiệm của mình khi đất nước lâm nguy. Im lặng và thờ ơ trước thời cuộc hiện tại ở VN (TC chiếm đóng VN theo cách thức dầu loang) là hèn và nhu nhược, không xứng đáng là một con người tự hào và tự trọng. Tôi không nghĩ TPT đang tranh đấu là vì quyền lợi của Vatican. 

Trân trọng,

The American Idea and Today's G.O.P by David Brooks, NYT Columnist, 9/25/2015

America was settled, founded and built by people who believed they were doing something exceptional. Other nations were defined by their history, but America was defined by its future, by the people who weren’t yet here and by the greatness that hadn’t yet been achieved.
American founders like Alexander Hamilton were aware that once the vast continent was settled the United States would be one of the dominant powers of the globe. There was also a religious eschatology — a belief, dating back to the Puritans, that God’s plans for humanity would be completed on this continent, that America would be the “last best hope of earth,” as Lincoln put it.
Herman Melville summarized this version of American exceptionalism in his novel “White Jacket”: “The future is endowed with such a life that it lives to us even in anticipation. … The future [is] the Bible of the free. … God has predestined, mankind expects, great things from our race; and great things we feel in our souls.”
Today there are some conservative commentators and Republican politicians who talk a lot about American exceptionalism. But when they use the phrase they mean the exact opposite of its original meaning. In fact, they are effectively destroying American exceptionalism.
These commentators and candidates look backward to an America that is being lost. Ann Coulter encapsulated this attitude perfectly in her latest book title, “Adios, America.” This is the philosophy of the receding roar, the mourning for an America that once was and is now being destroyed by foreign people and ideas.
Out of this backward- and inward-looking mentality comes a desire to exclude. Donald Trump talks falsely and harshly about Hispanic immigrants. Ben Carson says he couldn’t advocate putting “a Muslim in charge of this nation.”
During George W. Bush’s first term there wasn’t much difference between how Democrats and Republicans viewed the overall immigration levels. Republicans were about eight percentage points more likely to be dissatisfied with the contemporary immigration flows. But now the gap is an astounding 40 percentage points. Eighty-four percent of Republicans and 44 percent of Democrats are dissatisfied with the current immigration level, according to Gallup surveys.
As Peter Wehner, a longtime conservative writer who served in the Bush administration, wrote in the magazine Commentary: “The message being sent to voters is this: The Republican Party is led by people who are profoundly uncomfortable with the changing (and inevitable) demographic nature of our nation. The G.O.P. is longing to return to the past and is fearful of the future. It is a party that is characterized by resentments and grievances, by distress and dismay, by the belief that America is irredeemably corrupt and past the point of no return. ‘The American dream is dead,’ in the emphatic words of Mr. Trump.”
It’s not exactly breaking news that this is ruinous to the long-term political prospects of the party. In his book “2016 and Beyond,” the veteran pollster Whit Ayres, now working for Marco Rubio, points out that given the composition of the electorate, if the G.O.P. candidate won the same 59 percent share of the white vote that Mitt Romney won in 2012, he would have to win 30 percent of the nonwhite vote to get a majority. That’s a daunting number, given that, as Dan Balz of The Washington Post points out, Romney only won 17 percent of that vote.
But it’s also bad for the spirit of conservatism. American conservatism has always been different than the conservatism found on continental Europe and elsewhere. There it was based on blood and soil, here on promise.
American free market and religious conservatives have traditionally embraced a style of nationalism that is hopeful and future minded. From Lincoln to Reagan to Bush, the market has been embraced for being dynamic and progressive. The major faiths uplift in part because they are eschatological — they look forward to a glorious future. They preach an ethos of generosity and welcome. As the researcher Benjamin Knoll has found, religious parishioners of all political stripes are more likely to support more open immigration policies than others.
But this hopeful nationalism is being supplanted in the G.O.P. by an anguished cry for a receding America.
This pessimism isn’t justified by the facts. As a definitive report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine recently found, today’s immigrants are assimilating as fast as previous ones. They are learning English. They are healthier than native-born Americans. Immigrant men age 18 to 39 are incarcerated at roughly one-fourth the rate of American men.
Instead the pessimism grows from a sour, overgeneralized and intellectually sloppy sense of alienation. It is one thing to think Democratic policies are wrong. It is another to betray the essential American faith and take a reactionary attitude toward life. This is an attitude that sours the tongue, offends the eye and freezes the heart.

Thursday, September 24, 2015

The Soft Bigotry of Ben Carson by Charles Blow

The Republican presidential candidate Ben Carson said Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” “I would not advocate that we put a Muslim in charge of this nation. I absolutely would not agree with that.”
At first, he stood by that outrageously prejudiced remark, but after coming under fire from not only Muslim groups but also many conservatives, he soon tried to walk it back, to cushion and to caveat it.
On Monday night, he posted a message on Facebook that included this line: “I could never support a candidate for President of the United States that was Muslim and had not renounced the central tenant of Islam: Sharia Law.”
Then on Tuesday, at a news conference, Carson said, “It has nothing to do with being a Muslim.” He continued: “That was the question that was specifically asked. If the question had been asked about a Christian and they said, ‘Would you support a Christian who supports establishing a theocracy?’ I would have said no.”
Only his original comment was unambiguous: It had everything to do with being a Muslim. And it was bigoted.
But this isn’t Carson’s first time at this rodeo. This has become his modus operandi.
Carson has a way of speaking in a flat, sing-song-y tone while flashing his toothy, 100-watt smile, that can be utterly disarming, if not completely charming.
His undeniable pedigree as an acclaimed pediatric neurosurgeon adds an air of gravitas to his nonsensical utterances and provides some cover for what can be poisonously harmful, over-the-line invectives.
Carson says in low register what others shout in anger, and he gets a bit of a pass because of the discordant message and method of delivery.
Just because a person is soft-spoken doesn’t mean that he is well-spoken.
Since Carson used his 2013 speech at the National Prayer Breakfast to criticize President Obama’s policies to his face, he has been lionized in conservative quarters.
It’s not that others have not criticized the president before or since, but it was the particularity of the racial imagery of Carson’s critique — one smart, accomplished black man undressing another in public — that gave it particular power. It insulated the attack from racial characterization. He said things from the lips of a black conservative that roiled the minds of white ones. And it represented a prominent breaking of ranks, a slicing off of black solidarity from not only Democratic loyalty but also from fidelity with this president.
Since then, Carson’s rhetoric has seemed to get only more reckless.
He has called Obama a psychopath and a liar. He has compared Obama’s supporters to Nazi sympathizers. He has said that Obamacare is the “worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery,” even worse than the terrorist attacks on 9/11.
He has asserted that being gay is “absolutely” a choice as evidenced by people who “go into prison straight — and when they come out, they’re gay.” He later apologized in a statement that read in part:
“I do not pretend to know how every individual came to their sexual orientation. I regret that my words to express that concept were hurtful and divisive. For that I apologize unreservedly to all that were offended.”
And even when his rhetoric isn’t reckless, it can be wrongheaded.
He has used the shallowness of race as a biological construct to disavow and diminish the depth of racism as a very real cultural construct.
And he makes the mistake many people do, of using his personal story of success as a societal prescription for all problems. I have always held that working hard and following the rules are their own reward, but I am not naïve enough to believe that personal behavior can completely countervail structural oppression.
Carson knows that his outrageous antics in his role as the anti-Obama are a most profitable enterprise. He mixes political critique with Christian theological messaging to rake in quite a bit of money on the lecture circuit. As Politico reported in July, Carson “brought in nearly $2 million delivering inspirational speeches to faith-based groups like Christian high schools and pregnancy centers in 2014,” with speaking fees ranging “from $12,320 to $48,500.”
This is a sad turn — spurred, I believe, by profit motive — for such a great legacy.
I, like many other African-Americans, had come to see Carson as a hero before his foray into politics because of the resonance of his personal story — a poor inner-city child being raised by a driven single mother who valued education and instilled in him a sense of character that would allow him to become a staggering success.
Carson was the embodiment of possibility. His 1990 book, “Gifted Hands,” was required reading for many young people.
But as a political figure, his stature is diminished as he reveals himself to be intolerant, bordering on soft bigotry, and also reckless and needlessly inflammatory. No one can discount what Carson accomplished professionally, but those accomplishments must now stand shoulder to shoulder with this new persona: whisper-soft purveyor of hyperbolic hucksterism.
I invite you to join me on Facebook and follow me on Twitter, or e-mail me at chblow@nytimes.com.

Saturday, September 19, 2015

Ngôn Ngữ Và Dụng Vụ Thống Trị Tư Tưởng

Kính thưa ông Ito và quý vị quan tâm:

Cái nhận định của Whorf sau đây không có chi là mới mẻ và tân kỳ hoặc cách mạng hoá tư tưởng nhân loại về ngôn ngữ. Ai biết hơn một tiếng nói biết việc đó. Nhưng việc ông Ito dựa vào nhận định đó để đi tới một kết luận rằng "DO CHINH LA LY-DO TAI SAO TAU DO-HO DAN-TOC VIET CA NGAN NAM MA DAN-TOC VIET-NAM KHONG HE BI DONG HOA." là sai lầm.
Benjamin Lee Whorf thi: thuc-ra khong phai chi[only] thuan-la mot dung-cu tai san-xuat de noi len nhung y-nghi [a] nhung dung hon tu-no la cong-cu tao-nen y-nghi [a]...."is not merely a reproducing instrument for voicing ideas but rather is itself the shaper of idea..."

Theo thiển ý của tôi, kết luận đạt tới của ông Ito sai lầm vì:

1. Tiền đề và kết luận không có liên quan với nhau.
2. Phản lại dữ kiện lịch sử. 

Ngôn ngữ rất dễ bị mai một, nhất là nếu tập thể nói ngôn ngữ đó không đông và không có quyền lực trong xã hội, và bị thống trị bởi một tập thể khác đông người hơn (như xảy ra ở Bắc Mỹ) hoặc có quyền lực (như xảy ra trong Châu Mỹ Latin và vùng Châu Phi nói tiếng Pháp). Những người nói ngôn ngữ địa phương ở Châu Mỹ và Châu Phi có cách nhìn khác sự vật qua ngôn ngữ khác với bọn thực dân nói tiếng Anh, Tây Ban Nha, và Pháp nhưng họ vẫn không giữ được hoặc đang mất tiếng mẹ đẻ của họ. Điều đó chứng minh sự khác biệt về cách nhìn sự thế vì ngôn ngữ khác biệt là một yếu tố rất yếu kém và không đủ mạnh để chống lại sự đồng hoá và thống trị tư tưởng bằng một ngôn ngữ của một tập thể đông dân hơn hoặc có quyền lực trong xã hội.

Sự kiện người Việt chúng ta vẫn nói tiếng Việt dù chúng ta bị đô hộ hơn 1,000 năm bởi Tàu Chệt và sống kế cận Tàu Chệt. Dù chúng đông dân hơn 10 lần, những vẫn không thể đồng hoá chúng ta (trừ văn hoá) chứng tỏ dân tộc ta có một đề kháng chống Tàu rất mãnh liệt. Sự kiện chống Tàu đã thấm vào xương tủy đại đa số dân Việt. Trong tình trạng tổ quốc và dân tộc đang lâm nguy một lần nữa bởi sự xâm lược hiện tại của Tàu Chệt, ai cổ vỏ diệt VC rồi mới chống Tàu là chính bọn Việt Gian bán nước thân Tàu. Điếu Cày (ĐC) và Tạ Phong Tần (TPT) bị cầm tù vì có can đảm chống Tàu công khai. Họ là những người con Việt có trách nhiệm, như mọi người dân Việt phải nên làm, nhưng ĐC đang bị bọn Việt Gian ở Mỹ đánh phá, nhục mạ. Nếu bọn chúng đánh phá TPT, như chúng đã và đang đánh phá ĐC, khi bà qua Mỹ thì bọn chúng là hạng cầm thú, chớ không phải là Người Việt chân chính. Nếu TPT là cò mồi, thì tại sao mẹ bà ta tự thiêu phản đối sự cầm tù con của mình chỉ vì tội chống Tàu xâm lược?

Việt Nam Muôn Năm!

Wissai
canngon.blogspot.com

Tuesday, September 15, 2015

Tại Sao Tôi Viết Trên Mạng? Và Vài Vấn Đề Khác

A. Tại Sao Tôi Viết Trên Mạng?

Trừ vài bài "thơ" sáng tác hoặc dịch cho vui chơi, tôi viết về Chinh Trị và Tôn Giáo (Chính Trị và Tôn Giáo đi đôi với nhau và bổ túc cho nhau, không thể bàn về Chinh Trị mà không đụng đến Tôn Giáo vì Tôn Giáo là dụng cụ của Chinh Trị. Chính Trị có trước Tôn Giáo. Chính Trị là tranh đấu chiếm quyền lực để có quyền lợi mà sống) vì:

1. Tôi là người có kiến thức và có trách nhiệm. Tôi không thờ ơ trước vận mệnh quê hương yêu dấu của tôi, đang bị Tàu xâm lăng với sự hỗ trợ của phần tử Việt Gian phò ngoại bang vì tư lợi hoặc bị nhồi sọ tẩy não đến độ chúng phát ngôn vài câu "xanh rờn" và quái đản như;

-"Thà mất nước chớ không bỏ đạo"
-"Phúc cho ai không thấy mà vẫn tin"
-"Diệt hết VC rồi mới chống Tàu"

2. Tiếng nói của tôi đang cạnh tranh với những tiếng nói khác mà tôi coi là phi lý, phản quốc, và quá thiển cận và tàn nhẫn. Tôi viết cho đồng bào tôi, trong và ngoài nước. Tất cả thái độ và hành động của chúng ta đều phát xuất từ tư tưởng. Nếu chúng ta suy tư một cách đứng đắn/nghiêm túc một vấn dề thì hành động của chúng ta mới có ý nghĩa và ích lợi cho Tổ Quốc và Dân Tộc. 

B. Quan Điểm/Lập Trường Chính Trị Của Tôi

1. Làm chính trị là cho một tập thể cao nhất, đó là cho Tổ Quốc và Dân Tộc, chớ không phải là cho bè phái và cá nhân. Lẽ dĩ nhiên, chúng ta cần bè phái để hoạt động, nhưng chúng ta không hy sinh quyền lợi của Tổ Quốc và Dân Tộc cho quyền lợi của bè phái. Vì thế, một chính thể chúng ta tranh đấu phải là chinh thể dân chủ và đa đảng,

2. Chúng ta chống Độc Tài, bất cứ dưới hình thức nào, hữu (phát xít), tả (cộng sản hoặc tàn tích của cộng sản).

3. Đối phó với hiểm nguy ngoại xâm Tàu Chệt và Việt Gian nằm vùng yểm trợ, chúng ta phải đoàn kết, nghĩa là chúng ta phải hoà hợp hoà giải (HHHG) với VC, kẻ đang có quân đội---nhưng mất nhiều chinh nghĩa---trong tay. HHHG không có nghĩa là chúng ta để VC, nhóm có truyền thống gian manh, lừa dối chúng ta như họ đã làm trong quá khứ. Chúng ta nói vói họ rằng, "các anh không phải là tử thù của chúng tôi. Tử thù của chúng tôi và của các anh là Tàu Chệt và bọn Việt Gian. Các anh lầm lẫn trong việc độc tài và quá tham nhũng. Quần chúng đang chán ngấy các anh. Tức nước vỡ bờ. Đã có những dấu hiệu là họ sẵn sàng chết để lật đổ các anh. Khi con người khổ và hận thù quá mức, cái chết của bản thân không còn quan trọng nữa. Họ chỉ muốn giết các anh cho thỏa giận. Chúng tôi không đồng ý với họ dùng bạo động để thay thế hoặc "sửa đổi" các anh, vì làm thế chỉ lợi cho ngoại bang và Việt Gian. Bài học ở Iraq và Syria sờ sờ trước mắt chúng ta. Chúng tôi mong anh thấy điếu đó và phải thay đổi, càng sớm càng tốt. Chúng ta không có thời gian chờ đợi. Có thay đổi, các anh mới có hy vọng vẫn có quyền lực và quyền lợi, dù không còn nhiều như hiện tại. Các anh phải nhớ , "Tham thì Thâm". Không có gì thái quá mà có thể tồn tại mãi mãi. 

C. Về Những Tên Láu Cá, Ngu, Dốt, và Hèn như Nam Nguyen, aotranvnch, và Paul Van:

Bọn này không đủ chữ, không đủ trình độ viết lách để phản biện những gì tôi viết, nên chúng, vì mặc cảm tự ti và ganh tỵ, bèn giở trò vu khống, tục tằn, hoặc móc lò rẻ tiền để chọc giận tôi. Tôi coi chúng là đồ súc sanh nên thực sự tôi không quan tâm đến. Chúng chỉ tự làm giảm giá trị của chúng khi viết những điều không trung thực, cũng như khi chúng ngậm phân heo chó để phun vào mặt người khác thì miệng chúng hôi thúi trước tiên, 

D. Tôi không hoàn hảo

Nhân vô thật toàn. Không ai hoàn toàn khách quan. Không ai có thể thấy cai lưng của minh. Do đó những gì tôi viết có thể nhiều thiếu sót hoặc sai lầm. Tôi chấp nhận những phản biện, phê binh đứng đắn, xây dựng. Ai "sửa lưng" được tôi thì là thầy của tôi, giúp tôi tiến bộ.

15 tháng 9, 2015
Wissai

Monday, September 14, 2015

Lost In Dreams


TRONG MƠ
 
Ngoài song ta đứng ngẩn ngơ
Bên song em vẫn thờ ơ lạnh lùng
Tiếc gì một nụ môi hồng
Một tia mắt ấm mà không trao mời?
Để ta lạc lõng giữa trời
Nắng vàng từng giọt rã rời pha phôi.
Bên này ta vẫn đơn côi
Ngẫm buồn thân phân nổi trôi tháng ngày
Đêm về uống rượu thật say
Ngỡ như em mở vòng tay đợi chờ.
Thì thôi em cứ thờ ơ
Còn ta, ta sống trong mơ một mình!
 
                                      LÝ TỐNG
 

LOST IN DREAMS

Outside your window, I stood all dazed and bewildered 
From inside you looked back at me, cold and indifferent.
Why didn't you spare on your rosy lips a smile 
And a warm, inviting look from your eyes?

So now I am wandering, lost and lonely,
While sunshine makes me feel wilted and weary.
On this side, I am still solitary
And feel sorry for my aimless, roaming life. 

Every night, I come back drunk to my apartment,
Pretending you'd be there, waiting for me. 
Anyway, please keep on being indifferent 
While I go on living in dreams all by myself. 

Quick and rough translation by 
Wissai
September 14, 2015
canngon.blogspot.com

Sunday, September 13, 2015

Are Western Values Losing Their Sway?

London — THE West is suddenly suffused with self-doubt.
Centuries of superiority and global influence appeared to reach a new summit with the collapse of the Soviet Union, as the countries, values and civilization of the West appeared to have won the dark, difficult battle with Communism.
That victory seemed especially sweet after the turn of China toward capitalism, which many thought presaged a slow evolution to middle-class demands for individual rights and transparent justice — toward a form of democracy. But is the embrace of Western values inevitable? Are Western values, essentially Judeo-Christian ones, truly universal?
The history of the last decade is a bracing antidote to such easy thinking. The rise of authoritarian capitalism has been a blow to assumptions, made popular by Francis Fukuyama, that liberal democracy has proved to be the most reliable and lasting political system.
With the collapse of Communism, “what we may be witnessing,” Mr. Fukuyama wrote hopefully in 1989, “is the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.”
But couple the tightening of Chinese authoritarianism with Russia’s turn toward revanchism and dictatorship, and then add the rise of radical Islam, and the grand victory of Western liberalism can seem hollow, its values under threat even within its own societies.
The recent flood of migrants and Syrian asylum seekers were welcomed in much of Europe, especially Germany and Austria. But it also prompted criticism from a number of less prosperous European countries, a backlash from the far right and new anxieties about the growing influence of Islam, and radical Islamists, in Europe.
“Nineteen-eighty-nine was perceived as the victory of universalism, the end of history, but for all the others in the world it wasn’t a post-Cold War world but a post-colonial one,” said Ivan Krastev, director of the Center for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, Bulgaria, and a contributing opinion writer for The Times.
It seemed to many in Asia and Africa to be the end of Western ideological supremacy, given that liberalism and Communism are both Western creations with universal ambitions. After all, Mr. Krastev noted, “both liberalism and Communism were dominated and shaped by the West — but who is the legitimate son of the Enlightenment and who is the bastard one?”
Many of the emerging powerhouses of globalization, like Brazil, are interested in democracy and the rule of law, but not in the preachments of the West, which they regard as laced with hypocrisy.
Even Russia argues both for exceptionalism (“the third Rome”) and for its own more perfect representation of Western civilization, claiming that the West is self-interested, decadent and hypocritical, defending universal values but freely ignoring them when it pleases.
The fight over values is not limited to democracy. “We think the world is divided by individualism and democracy, but it’s the sexual divide,” Mr. Krastev said — with radical disagreements over the proper place of women and the rights of homosexuals.
In its rejection of Western liberal values of sexual equality and choice, conservative Russia finds common cause with many in Africa and with the religious teachings of Islam, the Vatican, fundamentalist Protestants and Orthodox Jews.
Extreme interpretations of religion, especially in areas of great instability and insecurity, can be a comforting or inspiring response to the confusions of modern life, and can soon become an enemy to religious freedom and tolerance for others, notes Robert Cooper. A British diplomat who helped build a European foreign policy in Brussels, he defined the problem of failed and postmodern states in his book “The Breaking of Nations.”
A quick look at anthropology shows us that “what we consider universal values are not so universal,” he said.
For instance, “We talk about democracy as a universal value,” Mr. Cooper said, “but when was it exactly that women in Italy got the vote? And blacks in the American South? So we have pretty shallow standards for this.” (In Italy it was 1945; one could argue that voting was not unrestricted in the United States until 1965.)
Given the choice, “nearly everyone in the world would like to live in our societies, because they can live better and don’t have to lie all the time,” he said. “So perhaps it’s wrong to talk of universal values. But the society they deliver is universally attractive.”
China is often cited as a counterexample to the universality of democracy and human rights. But what distinguishes China is its disinterest in spreading its model to the rest of the world.
Western universalism was real, if rivalrous. The Soviet Union tried to spread revolution and Communism, France had its “Declaration of the Rights of Man” and the United States its self-image as “the city upon a hill.” But China engages with the world in its own interest, divorced from moral aims, with little desire to proselytize.
The Chinese vision is not universalist but mercantilist, and Beijing is interested less in remaking the world than in protecting itself from vulnerabilities of globalization, including the chaotic freedoms of the Internet. China, like Russia now, pushes back against Western aspirations and efforts to reshape the world in its own image.
There is much confusion about democracy in any case, argued Jacques Barzun, the cultural historian, in 1986. “A permanent feature of American opinion and action in foreign policy is the wish, the hope, that other nations might turn from the error of their ways and become democracies,” he wrote. But democracies differ, he said, and asked: “What is it exactly that we want others to copy?”
The essence of democracy, he said, is popular sovereignty, implying political and social equality. Easier said than done, given the tendency of governments and elites to presume they speak for the inarticulate masses.
Democracy cannot be imposed, but accrues, he suggested, dependent on “a cluster of disparate elements and conditions.” It “cannot be fashioned out of whatever people happen to be around in a given region; it cannot be promoted from outside by strangers; and it may still be impossible when attempted from inside by determined natives.”
That is a caution echoed recently by William J. Burns, head of the Carnegie Endowment and a former deputy secretary of state. The debate, he argues, is really about the meaning of individual rights in non-Western states, even those considered democracies, and the “authenticity” of inherited values.
“Our own preachiness and lecturing tendencies sometimes get in the way, but there is a core to more open democratic systems that has an enduring appeal,” he said. That core is “the broad notion of human rights, that people have the right to participate in political and economic decisions that matter to them, and the rule of law to institutionalize those rights.”
The result “doesn’t have to look like Washington, which may be for the good,” Mr. Burns said. “But a respect for law and pluralism creates more flexible societies, because otherwise it’s hard to hold together multiethnic, multireligious societies.”
That’s what the Arab world will be wrestling with for a long time as old state systems crumble, he added.
These pressures are visible in Western societies, too. “Even in what are seemingly modern societies we see the tension, the core appeal of nationalism,” he said, as well as the attraction of religious radicalism to minorities who feel shut out of the mainstream of identity politics.
Yet democracies in whatever form seem more capable of coping with shifting pressures than authoritarian governments. History does not move laterally but in many different directions at once, Mr. Burns said. “Stability is not a static phenomenon.”
Steven Erlanger is the London bureau chief of The New York Times. 

There Is No Theory of Everything by Simon Critchley

Wissai's Note on There is No Theory of Everything by Simon Critchley 

Please read the article below, at least ten times. Every word in it sparkles, sings, and dances.  The article is a gem. Maybe it will lead you to investigate the foundations of your approach to life, and to the possible strong link between a good command of language/linguistic skills and an attraction to philosophy. It is very difficult to philosophize without recourse to words. 



Over the years, I have had the good fortune to teach a lot of graduate students, mostly in philosophy, and have noticed a recurring fact. Behind every new graduate student stands an undergraduate teacher. This is someone who opened the student’s eyes and ears to the possibility of the life of the mind that they had perhaps imagined but scarcely believed was within their reach. Someone who, through the force of their example, animated a desire to read more, study more and know more. Someone in whom the student heard something fascinating or funny or just downright strange. Someone who heard something significant in what the student said in a way that gave them confidence and self-belief. Such teachers are the often unknown and usually unacknowledged (and underpaid) heroes of the world of higher education.
Some lucky people have several such teachers. This was the case with me. But there is usually one teacher who sticks out and stays in one’s mind, and whose words resound down through the years. These are teachers who become repositories for all sorts of anecdotes, who are fondly recalled through multiple bon mots and jokes told by their former students. It is also very often the case that the really good teachers don’t write or don’t write that much. They are not engaged in “research,” whatever that benighted term means with respect to the humanities. They teach. They talk. Sometimes they even listen and ask questions.
In relation to philosophy, this phenomenon is hardly new. The activity of philosophy begins with Socrates, who didn’t write and about whom many stories were told. Plato and others, like Xenophon, wrote them down and we still read them. It is very often the case that the center of a vivid philosophical culture is held by figures who don’t write but who exist only through the stories that are told about them. One thinks of Sidney Morgenbesser, long-time philosophy professor at Columbia, whom I once heard described as a “mind on the loose.” The philosopher Robert Nozick said of his undergraduate education that he “majored in Sidney Morgenbesser.” On his deathbed, Morgenbesser is said to have asked: “Why is God making me suffer so much? Just because I don’t believe in him?”

These anecdotes seem incidental, but they are very important. They become a way of both revering the teacher and humanizing them, both building them up and belittling them, giving us a feeling of intimacy with them, keeping them within human reach. Often the litmus test of an interesting philosopher is how many stories circulate about them. 
I want to talk here about an undergraduate teacher of mine about whom many stories were told, but who is not so widely known. His name was Frank Cioffi (1928-2012), an Italian-American from a peasant family who spent his early years close to Washington Square. His mother died giving birth to him, and his distraught father died when Frank was an infant. He was then brought up by his grandparents, who spoke in a Neapolitan dialect. He dropped out of high school, spent time with the United States Army in Japan and then in France trying to identify dug-up corpses of American soldiers for the war grave commission. In 1950, he somehow managed to get into Ruskin College, Oxford, on the G.I. Bill, where he began to study philosophy and discovered the work of Wittgenstein, whose later thinking was just then beginning to circulate. After teaching in Singapore and Kent, he became the founding professor of the philosophy department at the University of Essex in the early 1970s. I encountered him there in 1982. It was memorable.
Frank (which is how he was always referred to) has recently become the subject of an interesting book by David Ellis, “Frank Cioffi: The Philosopher in Shirt Sleeves.” It gives a very good sense of what it felt like to be in a room with Frank. Truth to tell, Ellis’s title is deceptive, as I never recall Frank in shirtsleeves. He wore a sweater, usually inside out. He never had laces in the work boots he always wore, and strangest of all, because of an acute sensitivity to fabrics, he wore pajamas underneath his clothes at all times. The word “disheveled” doesn’t begin to describe the visual effect that Frank had on the senses. He was a physically large, strong-looking man, about 6-foot-4. The pajamas were clearly visible at the edges of his sweater, his fly was often undone (some years later, his only word of teaching advice to me was “always check your fly”) and he sometimes seemed to hold his pants up with a piece of string. In his pockets would be scraps of paper with typewritten quotations from favorite writers like George Eliot, Tolstoy or Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes, whom he revered.
He walked the few miles to the brutal architectural dystopia that was the University of Essex from his home in Colchester wearing an early version of a Sony Walkman. I always assumed he was listening to music, only to discover years later that he was listening to recordings of himself reading out passages from books. I remember him saying during a lecture that he was “not a publishing philosopher.” This is not quite true, but although his books, like “Wittgenstein on Freud and Frazer” (1998), are fascinating, his rather tangled prose gives no sense of what it was like to listen to one of his lectures. They were amazing, unscripted and hugely funny performances, where he would move about over a vast range of quotations and reflections, his considerable bulk straining to control the passion of his thinking. Occasionally he would suddenly perch himself on the edge of a student’s desk, smoking a small, Indian cigarette (yes, it was that long ago). We were at once terrified and enthralled.
I was studying English and European literature in my first year at college, but my friend Will and I were considering switching to philosophy, partly because of Frank. We went to see him in his office for advice. I don’t remember him giving any. We sat with him for about an hour and I remember a story about how, when he had been teaching in Singapore, he used to put down poison to deal with the many cockroaches that infested his office. One day, while watching an insect die in agony in the corner of his room, he thought to himself: “There is a problem with other minds after all. It is a real issue. I knew that the bug was dying in pain and felt profound sympathy and stopped doing it.” Will and I both switched to philosophy immediately and never looked back.
Some years later, I went back into his office to ask permission to switch from one course to another. “Which courses?” he said indifferently. “I’m meant to be reading Foucault, but I want to do a course on Derrida.” “Man” he replied “that’s like going from horseshit to bullshit.” In fact, as others can confirm, the latter word was his most common term of reference and it also expresses his approach to philosophy: No BS.
In the preface to “Varieties of Religious Experience,” William James said that it was his belief that “a large acquaintance with particulars makes us wiser than the possession of abstract formulas, however deep.” This was Frank’s pedagogical credo and his teaching moved from particular to particular, often working from the quotations written on small slips of paper and stuck into his pockets, to be pulled out with great dramatic effect. He hated big theories and any kind of metaphysical pretention and he would use little quotations to pick away relentlessly at grand explanations. He used the particular to scratch away at the general, like picking at a scab.
Frank’s special loathing was reserved for Freud, whom he thought a writer of great perceptiveness and expressive power but completely deluded about the theoretical consequences of his views. “Imagine a world in which, like ours,” Frank wrote in “Wittgenstein on Freud and Frazer,” “people laughed at jokes, but unlike ours did not know what they were laughing at until they discovered the unconscious energic processes hypothesized by Freud.” For Frank, such was the world that Freud beguiled himself and us into believing he was living in. He compared the 20th-century fascination with psychoanalysis to the 19th-century fascination with phrenology, the “science” of bumps on the head. I think he would have come to very similar conclusions about the early 21st-century fad for neuroscience and our insatiable obsession with the brain. 
Despite the astonishing breadth of his interests, Frank’s core obsession in teaching turned on the relation between science and the humanities. More particularly, his concern was with the relation between the causal explanations offered by science and the kinds of humanistic description we find, say, in the novels of Dickens or Dostoevsky, or in the sociological writings of Erving Goffman and David Riesman. His quest was to try and clarify the occasions when a scientific explanation was appropriate and when it was not, and we need instead a humanistic remark. His conviction was that our confusions about science and the humanities had wide-ranging and malign societal consequences.
Let me give an example. Imagine that you depressed, because of the death of a loved one, heartbreak or just too much hard and seemingly pointless work. You go to see a doctor. After trying to explain what ails you, with the doctor fidgeting and looking at his watch, he exclaims: “Ah, I see the problem. Take this blue pill and you will be cured.” However efficacious the blue pill might be, in this instance the doctor’s causal diagnosis is the wrong one. What is required is for you to be able to talk, to feel that someone understands your problems and perhaps can offer some insight or even suggestions on how you might move forward in your life. This, one imagines, is why people go into therapy. 
But let’s flip it around. Let’s imagine that you are on a ferry crossing the English Channel during a terrible winter storm. Your nausea is uncontrollable and you run out onto the deck to vomit the contents of your lunch, breakfast and the remains of the previous evening’s dinner. You feel so wretched that you no longer fear death — you wish you were dead. Suddenly, on the storm-tossed deck, appears R.D. Laing, the most skilled, charismatic and rhetorically gifted existential psychiatrist of his generation, in a blue velvet suit. He proceeds to give you an intense phenomenological description of how your guts feel, the sense of disorientation, the corpselike coldness of your flesh, the sudden loss of the will to live. This is also an error. On a ferry you want a blue pill that is going to alleviate the symptoms of seasickness and make you feel better. 
Frank’s point is that our society is deeply confused by the occasions when a blue pill is required and not required, or when we need a causal explanation and when we need a further description, clarification or elucidation. We tend to get muddled and imagine that one kind of explanation (usually the causal one) is appropriate in all occasions when it is not. 
What is in play here is the classical distinction made by Max Weber between explanation and clarification, between causal or causal-sounding hypotheses and interpretation. Weber’s idea is that natural phenomena require causal explanation, of the kind given by physics, say, whereas social phenomena require elucidation — richer, more expressive descriptions. In Frank’s view, one major task of philosophy is help us get clear on this distinction and to provide the right response at the right time. This, of course, requires judgment, which is no easy thing to teach. 
Let me push this a little further. At the end of his book on Wittgenstein, Frank tells a story about a philosophical paper (imagined or real, it is not clear) with the title “Qualia and Materialism —Closing the Explanatory Gap.” The premise of the paper is twofold: first, there is a gap between how we experience the world — our subjective, conscious experiences (qualia) — and the scientific explanation of the material forces that constitute nature; and, second, that such a gap can potentially be closed through one, overarching theoretical explanation. Frank goes on to point out that if we can imagine such a paper, then we can also imagine papers called “The Big Bang and Me — Closing the Explanatory Gap” or “Natural Selection and Me — Closing the Explanatory Gap.” 
This is the risk of what some call “scientism” — the belief that natural science can explain everything, right down to the detail of our subjective and social lives. All we need is a better form of science, a more complete theory, a theory of everything. Lord knows, there are even Oscar-winning Hollywood movies made about this topic. Frank’s point, which is still hugely important, is that there is no theory of everything, nor should there be. There is a gap between nature and society. The mistake, for which scientism is the name, is the belief that this gap can or should be filled. 
One huge problem with scientism is that it invites, as an almost allergic reaction, the total rejection of science. As we know to our cost, we witness this every day with climate change deniers, flat-earthers and religious fundamentalists. This is what is called obscurantism, namely that the way things are is not explained by science, but with reference to occult forces like God, all-conquering Zeus, the benign earth goddess or fairies at the bottom of my garden. Now, in order to confront the challenge of obscurantism, we do not simply need to run into the arms of scientism. What is needed is a clearer overview of the occasions when a scientific remark is appropriate and when we need something else, the kind of elucidation we find in stories, poetry or indeed when we watch a movie or good TV (Frank watched a lot of TV). 
People often wonder why there appears to be no progress in philosophy, unlike in natural science, and why it is that after some three millenniums of philosophical activity no dramatic changes seem to have been made to the questions philosophers ask. The reason is because people keep asking the same questions and perplexed by the same difficulties. Wittgenstein puts the point rather directly: “Philosophy hasn’t made any progress? If somebody scratches the spot where he has an itch, do we have to see some progress?” Philosophy scratches at the various itches we have, not in order that we might find some cure for what ails us, but in order to scratch in the right place and begin to understand why we engage in such apparently irritating activity. Philosophy is not Neosporin. It is not some healing balm. It is an irritant, which is why Socrates described himself as a gadfly.
This is one way of approaching the question of life’s meaning. Human beings have been asking the same kinds of questions for millenniums and this is not an error. It testifies to the fact that human being are rightly perplexed by their lives. The mistake is to believe that there is an answer to the question of life’s meaning. As Douglas Adams established quite some time ago, the answer to the question of life, the universe and everything will always be “42” or some variation of 42. Namely, it will be something really rather disappointing. 
The point, then, is not to seek an answer to the meaning of life, but to continue to ask the question. This is what Frank did in his life and teaching. David Ellis tells a story of when Frank was in hospital, and a friend came to visit him. When the friend could not find Frank’s room, he asked a nurse where he might find Professor Cioffi. “Oh,” the nurse replied, “you mean the patient that knows all the answers.” At which point, a voice was heard from under some nearby bedclothes, “No, I know all the questions.” 
We don’t need an answer to the question of life’s meaning, just as we don’t need a theory of everything. What we need are multifarious descriptions of many things, further descriptions of phenomena that change the aspect under which they are seen, that light them up and let us see them anew. That is what Frank was doing with his quotations, with his rich variety of particulars. They allow us to momentarily clarify and focus the bewilderment that is often what passes for our “inner life” and give us an overview on things. We might feel refreshed and illuminated, even slightly transformed, but it doesn’t mean we are going to stop scratching that itch. In 1948, Wittgenstein wrote, “When you are philosophizing you have to descend into primeval chaos and feel at home there.”
Allow me an odd postscript. Shortly after I learned the news of Frank’s death in 2012, I opened my email one morning to find a message from “Frank Cioffi.” I suddenly paused, as if someone had walked over my grave or scratched my skin with their nails. I then discovered that his namesake was Frank’s nephew, a professor of English at City University of New York, who was doing research into his uncle’s work. But that’s the great thing about one’s teachers. They never really die. They live on in the stories that we tell about them.

Simon Critchley teaches philosophy at The New School for Social Research, and the author of several books, including the forthcoming “Memory Theater,” his first work of fiction He is the moderator of this series.

Tuesday, September 1, 2015

Me, You, and Dream

Me and You and a Dream 

I woke up with a start, a fart, and then a faint, sardonic smile. Omar got me appointed as a professor at a local college, with a modest salary. The dean loved Omar, the hardest-working faculty member. And Omar had lobbied the dean on my behalf, without my knowledge. Omar texted me with the news, asking me when I was going to move to Dallas. Fall semester was only 6 weeks away.

I have often been queried if I am a professor of some kind. My stock answer is that I could have been, but my life has taken a lot of detours and now I am just a joker, a poker player, a word player (not yet a wordsmith, not yet a writer), a philosopher, and a thinker. Does that make me more a happy, proud contented fellow than if I am a college professor? I really don't know. I made a lot of critical decisions more from the calls of my heart than the dictates of my mind. Anyway, I am digressing, as usual. As I said, I woke up with a start and a fart. Today is Sunday. It is scorchingly hot where I live. The temperature is climbing to 118 F. I just parted the bedroom curtain. Sunlight was dancing. The sky was more than blue. There was not a single fluff of cloud in the sky. The sun was king; it was shining brightly, perhaps too brightly

Based on my recent anti-Christianity polemic posted on various Internet forums, a stupid and rabid Christian wrote to me:

"I just threw up in the bathroom. I wished I could have thrown up in your face. You are a repulsive, repugnant, ridiculous asshole. Because of you, I don't think God exists anymore because He could not possibly have created someone like you. Thanks a lot, pal!"

I swiftly sent him a riposte:

"Your brief bellyaching was music to my ears. Glad I was of help. Keep up the new Faith."

Christians, especially the evangelical variety, are unwittingly and ridiculously "funny" and stupid folks. They cannot think straight. Their mind is like a mushroom. Their leaders keep them in the dark and feed them bullshit and straws. A person who can really reason cannot possibly accept Christian dogmas and doctrines since they are blatantly nonsensical and fly in the face of scientific knowledge and logic and common sense. More perniciously, they rob the believers of human dignity. They make them become spiritual slaves. They cannot really proud of who they are unless they have lost all vestiges of rational thinking, and yearnings for truths.

My writings echo the sentiments of Jack Henry Abbott and Tucker Max. We tried to fit into a system called society. 

Abbott failed because of a lousy start in life and too much violence and not enough compromise. He ended up killing himself in prison. He was not really tough. A tough man would endure and endure and endure, and then finally would free himself from what had assailed him. A tough man would not give up the fight. He would fight on to the very end. To give, to surrender, to give in to the sweet sirens of nothingness is unacceptable to him. A man's worth and dignity are laid bare when he is fighting, not when he meekly surrenders. 

Tucker Max had success because he used humor. I have avoided really bad outcomes because of good luck and of using words as an outlet. Life is a game, an unending struggle for survival. Love is also a game. Love is what you do in order to create an illusion that you care. Well, almost. There was a woman who really loved me. Henrietta was her name. She was Puerto Rican. We ordinarily conversed in English, but when she was mad, she lapsed into colloquial and vulgarity-filled Spanish that I had troubles following. She was the only woman who refused to take any money from me. She said I worked very hard, too hard for my money. She didn't feel right in accepting it from me, especially after learning how people had treated me when I fell from grace about 17 years ago. I never forget what she had said a few weeks before she succumbed to s massive heart attack at dinner, "Roberto, remember this. Nobody loves you like I do. Nobody besides your own mother, I mean. No bitch understands you like I do. All those fucking bitches want are money and good sex, not love. You have love within you, but you let the women use you, abuse you, and then you get mad, you scream, shout obscenities at them, and that's over between them and you. After I am gone, get a dog, keep busy. Don't go near any fucking bitch unless she is as sweet and giving and loving and understanding like me. You understand? Now come over here Baby and give Mama a kiss."
But I didn't listen to her advice. I was massively lonely after she died. I couldn't bear being alone in the condo. I saw her, heard her, and smelled her while I was being there. So, I went on a cruise to escape the crushing, haunting memories. I met a woman during the cruise. We hit it off swimmingly at first, but after a few weeks of dating, she bored and infuriated me for her dishonesty and pretentiousness. I fired off a scathing email missive as a way of firing her:
"You are a pretentious, stupid, ignorant bitch. You are a (gad)fly in intellectual pursuits. I doubt if you know anything about sociobiology and ethology. You don't even know how to spell "sociobiology". I also doubt if you are up to par in the age-old debate of nature versus nurture. You lack intellectual honesty. You have a soft, not burning, desire for intellectual matters, but none of the rigor and discipline to attain knowledge. Knowledge does not really fascinate you or consume your time. Floating Anger is what ails and plagues you. Your only recourse is biting sarcasm to assert your weak will. Face yourself squarely. Take ownership of your life and confront your own deep dark insecure self instead of lying to yourself and others. But you are not the only one who behaves this way. Emotional and intellectual cowards behave exactly as you do.
I never said I was any good at writing short fiction. My stories are just my way to fuck around with the English language, to have fun with it, to while away the time, and to deal with the homicidal urges inside me. I write so I won't have to kill. It's not that I am fond of finding faults with people, but I can't stand phonies and liars like you. You don't know fuck about sociobiology and ethology, so why didn't you say so instead of mouthing off to me as if you knew something about the subjects? That was precisely the part of you that I found nauseating and disgusting. I am different from you. If I don't know shit about a topic, I just say so. I don't have an ounce of intellectual pretence inside me. I can't know everything. And there are so many folks who are much smarter and more knowledgeable than me. I am here on this planet to learn, not to teach. You were lucky that I chose you as a student, but you were so fuckimg dumb that I don't want to teach you anymore. So get the fuck off out of my life. And stay away from me, dumb bitch!"
She stayed away for a few weeks, but crawled back. But I was resolute with my decision to stay away from her because I knew I got nowhere with her. She was as phony as a three dollars bill, and had a tongue of a nitwit who knows nothing but cheap sarcasm. She kept saying she wanted to be my friend. Having a friend like her is like having a constant case of constipation. I would feel bloated and lethargic; I would pollute the air with unceasing farting.
It has been three months when I last saw her. I am feeling great and liberated. The albatross finally got the message. It flew away. My neck is free of it."
No, it was not bleak brutality that I was dishing at the bitch in my farewell missive to her. I was merely seeking catharsis and balance. The bitch infuriated me for her stupidity, ignorance, and unrelenting sarcasm. She was not the one only bitch that infuriated me in my turbulent, troubled life. Henrietta was right: I had no luck with women. It seemed that I met only evil, calculating, selfish women. 

Henrietta was a deeply religious and spiritual woman. She prayed a lot, for me especially. She wanted me to open my heart to the deities she believed in. She said if I really believed in them, the deities would provide me with affection. I didn't want to argue with her. I went along to please her. To me praying, especially done together by many participants in a public setting, is a form of self-hypnosis and mass hysteria. The more participants, the more powerful are the effects of self-induced dishonesty. 

Man is a strange animal. It is very susceptible to neuroses and psychoses. Very few humans are honest with themselves, let alone with others. 

Meditation is ok as long as it involves "emptying (or ignoring) the mind of fleeting thoughts" so the brain is at rest and yet aware and self-aware, like letting the muddy water in a glass container settle down. If we don't shake the glass container, we will see the insolvent impurities in the water settle down at the bottom of the container and the water reflects well light and especially the moon on a clear night. Our mind receives truths better when it is not disturbed, not muddy. 

When people seek enlightenment from a master/guru, they make themselves very vulnerable and highly susceptible to mind control from unethical gurus. In the final analysis, it's best to be your own guru. However, not many people can be their own gurus. To be weak/stupid is to be attacked and exploited by unethical "masters". Only look for the gurus with true hearts/true compassion and love. Usually those gurus who don't care about Ego, Fame, Material Comforts, or Money are the true, compassionate, unselfish gurus. 

True Love is to give oneself to others, not to take things (including money) belonging to/donated by others. Sharing is ok, but there is a very fine between taking and sharing. Sharing means I temporarily take custody what is yours, but I understand these things are not mine. You are welcome to take them back anytime because I never own them in the first place. You own them. They are yours, not mine. How many masters/gurus do you know have this kind of attitude? TNH is an intelligent, sensitive, and shrewd operator/guru, but he is not an enlightened human being. He lied (ref: he alleged that 300,000 people died in Bến Tre because of American bombing). He was untempered in speech (ref: insensitive remarks about 9/11/2001 terrorist destruction of the World Trade Center) and attire. He spoke/lectured/sermonized often of peace and serenity, but from his facial expressions, we could see that he was full of wanton pride. Don't take me wrong, I am sympathetic with and receptive to Buddha's teachings and generally allied myself with Buddhist cause in Vietnam, but currently there are many unethical men ( both of Buddhist and Christian affiliations) in or originating from Vietnam taking advantage of insecure, weak-minded, poorly-educated, superstitious folks in order to gain earthly powers and money. They can fool gullible folks for a long time. And they have succeeded in doing so. 

A quick and simple way to assess a person's level of enlightenment: does that person respect truth, have true love and compassion, and are unselfish, or that person loves power, money, and fame? 

Remember, Man is an animal that loves the game of deception. It enjoys deceiving others because it thinks it is smarter than others. Deception gives it a sense of power and brings it joy. Beware of wolves in sheep's clothing. Beware of ngụy quân tử (fake gentlemen) , who advertise themselves as "người tử tế" (kind-hearted folks) but in fact are liars, misers, and manipulators. I have personally known many of them, some occasionally get on the forums acting piously, but they are nothing but a bunch of jackasses that love power, money, and the limelight. They are no different from the VC leadership. They only care for themselves, and never for Vietnam and the Vietnamese people. They use others to advance themselves. 

Most humans are pure animals. They haven't evolved to become true humans. They are driven by biological urges and cravings for power; they are under the sway of ego, fame, envy, and inferiority complex. If you show disdain, contempt, scorn, or disrespect, they would predictably react with anger instead of reflecting if your expressions of disdain, contempt, scorn, or disrespect are justified. No, they don't have that kind of intellectual and emotional capability because they are not yet humans. Their reactions tell the world that they are insecure, envious, stupid, sophistical, and ridden and riddled with inferiority complex. 
(to be continued)