Wednesday, July 30, 2014
Loving the Unlovable
Tuesday, July 29, 2014
Love and Brotherhood
Yes, Love (and its usual manifestation, Forgiveness) heals and transforms the persons and situation involved whereas Hate reinforces and perpetuates the status quo. Siddartha Gautama profoundly understood this dynamics and advised his followers to abjure hate and violence.Muhammad understood it, too, contrary to the stereotyped portrayal of him and his followers by those Christians and Zionists who have an obvious agenda. In fact, the concept of Mercy features strongly in the Qur'an. It was Muhammad's practice of Mercy that accounted largely for the mass conversions in the early days of Islam. Only after two Jewish tribes treacherously allied themselves with other Arab tribes with the intention of killing Muhammad and his followers, despite their agreeing to a special covenant with Muhammad not to take arms against him, did Muhammad order the surviving adult male members put to the sword after their ill-fated alliance with the like-minded Arab tribes ended in abject failure in the battlefield. After this treachery of the Jews, Muhammad stopped praying in the direction of Jerusalem (as an acknowledgement of his intellectual debt and his beliefs in the Old Testament) and turned to the direction of Mecca, his birthplace, instead.Fairly or not, this attempt on the life of Muhammad by the Jews and their complicity in the death of Jesus of Nazareth, as well as the daily conduct of most Jews, that earned them the enmity of Muslims and Christians. Anti-Semitism did not just arise out of thin air.For those who really want to understood Love and Brotherhood, Islam could be an answer. The ideology and brutal behavior of present Islamic extremists do not represent mainstream Islam, just like the ideology and behavior of the Crusaders during the Middle Ages, of the Nazis and the Japanese fascists during first half of the 20th century, do not represent mainstream Christianity and Buddhism.If I am not a diehard atheist, I would embrace Islam in a heartbeat. As much as I love its powerful message of Love and Brotherhood, I couldn't bring myself to accepting its nonsensical doctrinal copy of Judaism and Christianity. I don't believe in God, in Judgment Day, and in an afterlife. I only believe in this very life, the only life I ever have; in Love's healing and redemptive power; in fair play and karma; and in my ability to pursue facts and truths.Yes, sometimes certain painful memories come back and remind me of my youthful immaturity and impetuosity, but I don't regret for falling in love with certain women who turned out to be even less loving and kind-hearted than me. I made mistakes and I sm learning from them. I was stupid and not a keen reader of the human heart.Love is Love. One must keep on kissing a lot of frogs before finding a prince. Yes, like Desiderata says, Love is perennial as grass. Despite the heartaches and pains and disappointments it may bring, it is the thing that keeps us going in this hard, lonely world. I believe in Love and continue looking for it. My heart is always open for its possibilities. Yes, I agreed with the message delivered by both Siddhartha and Muhammad.
Sunday, July 27, 2014
Mental Illness and Psychiatry
Thursday, July 24, 2014
Fluid Handle of Language
Wissai
On Jul 18, 2014, at 9:16 PM, wrote:
I think "illegal immigrants" is a legal term and it just says the immigrants enter the country "unlawfully" and that should be it. We should not read too much into the phase. The article I forward to you try to explore the reasons why people takes this unlawful action.
Sent from my iPadOn Jul 18, 2014, at 8:28 PM, wissai <wissai@yahoo.com> wrote:Thanks for forwarding the article from the Washington Post. I was curious of your thoughts on the pieces written by me that touched on the subject, especially regarding the phrase "illegal immigrants".
Tuesday, July 22, 2014
Knee-jerk Liberalism versus The Imperative to Understand
Monday, July 21, 2014
Sense and Sensibility, Language and Speech
A Fight for the Right to Read Heidegger
This spring, the Students’ Union at the University College London banned meetings of a group called the Nietzsche Club, which was formed to discuss the ideas of philosophers who inspired, among others, far-right politicians and leaders of the past, like Benito Mussolini, an admirer of Nietzsche’s work. The Union Council decided that the discussion of such thinkers and ideas would foster a dangerous wave of fascism among its students, and prevented them from holding a public meeting.
To those of us in philosophy concerned with ideological censorship, this incident seems like the tip of the iceberg in an impending struggle over the prospects of a serious scholarly engagement with some of the most important philosophers of the 19th and 20th centuries. But, unlike the actual Arctic ice sheets that are melting at an alarming rate, the freeze imposed on thinking is showing no signs of abating. In particular, there is a menacing chill forming around the work of Martin Heidegger.
With the publication of Volumes 94-6 in Heidegger’s “Complete Works” containing the infamous “Black Notebooks” (or private diaries, not yet translated into English) earlier this year, his critics, pointing at the incontrovertible evidence of Heidegger’s anti-Semitism, now claim that his philosophy is suffused with objectionable ideas through and through — so much so that the critique of modernity developed by the German thinker is being reinterpreted as a way to “launder” his anti-Semitism.
As a Jew, who suffered from anti-Semitic discrimination in the final years of the Soviet Union, I am weary of the contemporary manifestations of this hateful ideology. But I also find irksome the attempts to use the label “anti-Semitism” as a tool for silencing dissent. Both opposition to Zionism and the thinking inspired by Heidegger now incur this charge, which is leveled too lightly, thoughtlessly, and therefore without a minimum of respect for the actual victims of ethnic or religious oppression.
Of course, none of the recent revelations about Heidegger should be suppressed or dismissed. But neither should they turn into mantras and formulas, meant to discredit one of the most original philosophical frameworks of the past century. At issue are not only concepts (such as “being-in-the-world”) or methodologies (such as “hermeneutical ontology”) but the ever fresh way of thinking that holds in store countless possibilities that are not sanctioned by the prevalent techno-scientific rationality, which governs much of philosophy within the walls of the academia. It is, in fact, these possibilities that are the true targets of Heidegger’s detractors, who are determined to smear the entirety of his thought and work with the double charge of Nazism and anti-Semitism.
Now, if canonical philosophers were blacklisted based on their prejudices and political engagements, then there wouldn’t be all that many left in the Western tradition. Plato and Aristotle would be out as defenders of slavery and chauvinism; St. Augustine would be expelled for his intolerance toward heretics and “heathens”; Hegel would be banned for his unconditional admiration for Napoleon Bonaparte, in whom he saw “world spirit on horseback.”
As for Heidegger himself, those minimally versed in his thought will know — whether they admit it or not — that his anti-Semitism contradicts both the spirit and the letter of his texts, regardless of the ontological or metaphysical mantle he bestows upon anti-Semitic discourse. Perhaps the German thinker did not sense this contradiction, but this does not mean that it was not there. Let me give you an example.
In one deplorable turn of phrase in “Black Notebooks,” Heidegger writes about the “worldlessness” of Judaism and associates the Jews’ uprooting from a national territory with the “world-historical ‘task’ of uprooting all beings from Being,” which, according to Heidegger, Judaism presumably shares with modernity as well as with Bolshevism, Americanism, British imperialism, and so on. The French philosopher Emmanuel Faye is correct to trace this concept of “worldlessness” that describes the state of an inanimate object, such as a stone, back to Heidegger’s 1929 course on “The Fundamental Concepts of Metaphysics.” As worldless, the Jews are reduced to the level of things — a classical dehumanization technique. But from this valid argument, Faye jumps to a ridiculous conclusion that “the Heideggerian notion of ‘being-in-the-world,’ which is central to ‘Being and Time,’ may take on the meaning of a discriminatory term with anti-Semitic intent.” While his first point probes the depths of Heidegger’s anti-Semitism, the second is an amateurish trick, endeavoring to taint a fecund idea by means of nothing but free association.
Well before the publication of “Black Notebooks,” Heidegger’s organicist metaphors for spiritual life that is rooted, plantlike, in the native soil (for instance in “Discourse on Thinking”) could be read as denying genuine talent and creativity to those who did not enjoy a strong connection to the “home ground,” including, in the first instance, the Jewish people. But such racist nearsightedness does not at all follow from the content of his philosophy. In fact, one could say that the Jewish mode of rootedness was temporal, rather than spatial; before the Zionist project undertook to change this state of affairs, the Jews were grounded only in the tradition, instead of a national territory.
Such grounding is anathema to the uprooted condition of modernity, with which Heidegger hurriedly identified Jewish life and thought and which is expressed, precisely, in the destruction of tradition. From the perspective of the author of “Being and Time,” the temporal nature of Jewish rootedness should have been viewed as more desirable than spatial ties to the soil. After all, didn’t Heidegger want to make (finite) time, rather than space, fundamental to human existence?
There is, then, a profound disconnect between Heidegger’s anti-Semitic prejudice and his philosophy, which influenced a number of prominent Jewish thinkers, from Hannah Arendt to Jacques Derrida, and from Leo Strauss to Emmanuel Levinas. Yet, more and more, one is forced to justify the very act of reading his works for purposes other than denunciation and censure. As my colleague Marcia Cavalcante Schuback (who translated “Being and Time” into Portuguese) and I write in our forthcoming commentary on Heidegger’s 1934-5 seminar analyzing Hegel’s political philosophy: “ ‘The case of Heidegger,’ or ‘l’affaire Heidegger,’ as the French call it, is the case of philosophy facing the loss of its right. And what are all the controversies surrounding Heidegger’s Nazism about if not the right of and to his thought, not to mention the right to think further on his path, despite, against, or with his past?”
More broadly formulated, the question is about who has the right to pursue philosophy, to call herself or himself a philosopher, and to deny this appellation to others. In his book, “Heidegger: The Introduction of Nazism into Philosophy,” when referring to Heidegger, Faye often renders the word philosopher in quotation marks. The current fight for the possibility of reading certain philosophical works is, therefore, a fight over the very meaning of philosophy, with or without quotation marks.
Michael Marder is a philosophy professor in the at the University of the Basque Country (UPV-EHU), Vitoria-Gasteiz. His most recent book is “Phenomena — Critique — Logos: The Project of Critical Phenomenology.”
Friday, July 18, 2014
Mysteries of the Present, Dreams of the Future
Mysteries of the Present, Dreams of the Future
By David Biespiel
David Biespiel's most recent book of poems is "Charming Gardeners." His anthology "Poems of the American South" is due out next month in the Everyman's Library series.
I write this by campfire light in the back country of British Columbia, cut off from the digital world and miles from the nearest town.
Every society we’ve ever known has had poetry, and should the day come that poetry suddenly disappears in the morning, someone, somewhere, will reinvent it by evening.
Since ancient times, as long as we’ve had language, poetry has ritualized human life. It has dramatized and informed us with metaphors and figures of feeling and thought, mysteries and politics, birth and death, and all the occasions we experience between womb and tomb.
Poetic utterance ritualizes how we come to knowledge. In the same way that poems illuminate our individual lives, poems also help us understand ourselves as a culture. Or at least they spur us to ask the questions. Poetic utterance mythologizes our journey of being. Poetic utterance tells and interprets our stories. Poetic utterance shapes our perspective of the mysteries of the present moment and helps us imagine the next one.
Walt Whitman hails us to join the communion between poet and human aspiration when he writes, “And what I assume you shall assume, For every atom belonging to me as good belongs to you.”
In this way poetry connects us to our past, and poets unmask both private and civic memories, dreams, and urgencies. By harmonizing the body with the mind, serving both young and old, poetry is a guide to deliver us into a fresh engagement with our inner lives and with modernity.
If we care about order and disorder, then poetry matters because it is the art of the utterance of beauty and the grotesque.
If we care about the deepest aspirations of men and women across every community and culture, language and race, then poetry is always relevant because it is the art of the utterance of what we share in our innermost psyches.
Since culture and society existed both before we live and after we die, poetry is a link to our passage through our own time and a record of poets’ perspectives throughout time.
We know that human beings are intrinsically connected to one another in how we assert our being. When we read a poem, we are in the presence of this link. We are open to the metaphors of our shared natures.
Because poets have the highest faith that every word in a poem has value and implication and suggestion, a poem orients us in both our inner and outer existence. No matter what language we speak, we follow the guidance of poetry to better perceive sorrow and radiance, love and hatred, violence and wonder. No matter what continent we call home, we read poetry to restrict us in time and to aspire toward timelessness — whether we are in our most vibrant cities or in the remote woods.
Does poetry matter? Yes. Can poetry be more relevant? No. It is the song of song, the language of language, the utterance of utterance and the spirit of spirit.
Faith-Based Fanatics byTimothy Egan
He’s had a busy summer. As God only knows, he was summoned to slaughter in the Holy Land, asked to end the killings of Muslims by Buddhist monks in Myanmar, and played both sides again in the 1,400-year-old dispute over the rightful successor to the Prophet Muhammad.
In between, not much down time. Yes, the World Cup was fun, and God chose to mess with His Holinesses, pitting the team from Pope Francis’s Argentina against Germany, home of Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI. Well played, even if the better pope lost.
At least Rick Perry was not his usual time-suck. The governor proclaimed three days of prayer to end the Texas drought in 2011, saying, “I think it’s time for us to just hand it over to God, and say, ‘God: You’re going to have to fix this.’ ” The drought got worse. Two years ago, Perry said that God had not “changed his mind” about same-sex marriage. But the states have. Since Perry became a spokesman for the deity, the map of legalized gay marriage in America has expanded by 50 percent.
Still, these are pillow feathers in a world weighted down with misery. God is on a rampage in 2014, a bit like the Old Testament scourge who gave direct instructions to people to kill one another.
It’s not true that all wars are fought in the name of religion, as some atheists assert. Of 1,723 armed conflicts documented in the three-volume “Encyclopedia of Wars,” only 123, or less than 7 percent, involved a religious cause. Hitler’s genocide, Stalin’s bloody purges and Pol Pot’s mass murders certainly make the case that state-sanctioned killings do not need the invocation of a higher power to succeed.
But this year, the ancient struggle of My God versus Your God is at the root of dozens of atrocities, giving pause to the optimists among us (myself included) who believe that while the arc of enlightenment is long, it still bends toward the better.
In the name of God and hate, Sunnis are killing Shiites in Iraq, and vice versa. A jihadist militia, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, boasts of beheading other Muslims while ordering women to essentially live in caves, faces covered, minds closed. The two sides of a single faith have been sorting it out in that blood-caked land, with long periods of peace, since the year 632. Don’t expect it to end soon. A majority of the world’s 1.6 billion Muslims are peaceful, but a Pew Survey found that 40 percent of Sunnis do not think Shiites are proper Muslims.
Elsewhere, a handful of failed states are seeing carnage over some variant of the seventh-century dispute. And the rage that moved Hamas to lob rockets on birthday parties in Tel Aviv, and Israelis to kill children playing soccer on the beach in Gaza, has its roots in the spiritual superiority of extremists on both sides.
The most horrific of the religion-inspired zealots may be Boko Haram in Nigeria. As is well known thanks to a feel-good and largely useless Twitter campaign, 250 girls were kidnapped by these gangsters for the crime of attending school. Boko Haram’s God tells them to sell the girls into slavery.
The current intra-religious fights are not to be confused with people who fly airplanes into buildings, or shoot up innocents while shouting “God is great.” But those killers most assuredly believed that their reward for murder is heaven.
Of late, God has taken a long break from Ireland, such a small country for such a big fight between worshipers under the same cross. There, the animus is not so much theological as it is historical. If the curious Muslim is wondering why Protestants and Catholics can’t just get along on that lovely island, take a look at the Thirty Years’ War of the 17th century, when about 20 percent of the population of present-day Germany fell to clashes between the two branches of Christianity.
Violent Buddhist mobs (yes, it sounds oxymoronic) are responsible for a spate of recent attacks against Muslims in Myanmar and Sri Lanka, leaving more than 200 dead and close to 150,000 homeless. The clashes prompted the Dalai Lama to make an urgent appeal to end the bloodshed. “Buddha preaches love and compassion,” he said.
And so do Christianity, Islam and Judaism. The problem is that people of faith often become fanatics of faith. Reason and force are useless against aspiring martyrs.
In the United States, God is on the currency. By brilliant design, though, he is not mentioned in the Constitution. The founders were explicit: This country would never formally align God with one political party, or allow someone to use religion to ignore civil laws. At least that was the intent. In this summer of the violent God, five justices on the Supreme Court seem to feel otherwise.
Staring at the Flame
I reckon I spent five hours at most in Philip Seymour Hoffman’s close company, six at a pinch. Otherwise it was standing around with other people on the set of “A Most Wanted Man,” watching him on the monitor and afterward telling him he was great, or deciding better to keep your thoughts to yourself. I didn’t even do a lot of that: a couple of visits to the set, one silly walk-on part that required me to grow a disgusting beard, took all day and delivered a smudgy picture of somebody I was grateful not to recognize. There’s probably nobody more redundant in the film world than a writer of origin hanging around the set of his movie, as I’ve learned to my cost. Alec Guinness actually did me the favor of having me shown off the set of the BBC’s TV adaptation of “Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy.” All I was wanting to do was radiate my admiration, but Alec said my glare was too intense.
Come to think of it, Philip did the same favor for a woman friend of ours one afternoon on the shoot of “A Most Wanted Man” in Hamburg that winter of 2012. She was standing in a group 30-odd yards away from him, just watching and getting cold like everybody else. But something about her bothered him, and he had her removed. It was a little eerie, a little psychic, but he was bang on target because the woman in the case is a novelist, too, and she can do intensity with the best of us. Philip didn’t know that. He just sniffed it.
In retrospect, nothing of that kind surprised me about Philip, because his intuition was luminous from the instant you met him. So was his intelligence. A lot of actors act intelligent, but Philip was the real thing: a shining, artistic polymath with an intelligence that came at you like a pair of headlights and enveloped you from the moment he grabbed your hand, put a huge arm round your neck and shoved a cheek against yours; or if the mood took him, hugged you to him like a big, pudgy schoolboy, then stood and beamed at you while he took stock of the effect.
Philip took vivid stock of everything, all the time. It was painful and exhausting work, and probably in the end his undoing. The world was too bright for him to handle. He had to screw up his eyes or be dazzled to death. Like Chatterton, he went seven times round the moon to your one, and every time he set off, you were never sure he’d come back, which is what I believe somebody said about the German poet Hölderlin: Whenever he left the room, you were afraid you’d seen the last of him. And if that sounds like wisdom after the event, it isn’t. Philip was burning himself out before your eyes. Nobody could live at his pace and stay the course, and in bursts of startling intimacy he needed you to know it.
No actor had ever made quite the impact on me that Philip did at that first encounter: not Richard Burton, not Burt Lancaster or even Alec Guinness. Philip greeted me as if he’d been waiting to meet me all his life, which I suspect was how he greeted everyone. But I’d been waiting to meet Philip for a long time. I reckoned his “Capote” the best single performance I’d seen on screen. But I didn’t dare tell him that, because there’s always a danger with actors, when you tell them how great they were nine years ago, that they demand to know what’s been wrong with their performances ever since.
But I did tell him that he was the only American actor I knew who could play my character George Smiley, a role first graced by Guinness in the BBC “Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy,” and more recently by Gary Oldman in the big-screen adaptation — but then, as a loyal Brit, I was claiming Gary Oldman for our own.
Perhaps I was also remembering that, like Guinness, Philip wasn’t much of a lover on screen, but mercifully, we didn’t have to bother about that in our movie. If Philip had to take a girl in his arms, you didn’t actually blush and look away as you did with Guinness, but you couldn’t help feeling that somehow he was doing it for you rather than himself.
Our filmmakers had a lot of discussion about whether they could get Philip into bed with somebody, and it’s an interesting thought that when they did finally come up with a proposal, both partners ran a mile. It was only when the magnificent actress Nina Hoss appeared beside him that the makers realized they were looking at a small miracle of romantic failure. In her role, which was hastily bulked out, she is Philip’s adoring work mate, acolyte and steadying hand, and he breaks her heart.
That suited Philip just fine. His role of Günther Bachmann, middle-aged German intelligence officer on the skids, did not allow for enduring love or any other kind. Philip had made that decision from Day 1 and to rub it in, carried a well-thumbed paperback copy of my novel around with him — and what author of origin could ask more? — to brandish in the face of anyone who wanted to sex the story up.
The movie of “A Most Wanted Man” also features Rachel McAdams and Willem Dafoe, and opens in a cinema near you, I hope, so start saving now. It was shot almost entirely in Hamburg and Berlin, and numbers in its cast some of Germany’s most distinguished actors in relatively humble roles, not only the sublime Nina Hoss (the film “Barbara”), but also Daniel Brühl (“Rush”).
In the novel, Bachmann is a secret agent on his uppers. Well, Philip can relate to that. The character’s been whisked home from Beirut after losing his precious spy network to the clumsiness or worse of the C.I.A. He has been put out to grass in Hamburg, the city that played host to the 9/11 conspirators. Its regional intelligence arm, and many of its citizens, are still living with that embarrassment.
Bachmann’s self-devised mission is to put the score straight: not by way of snatch teams, waterboards and extrajudicial killings, but by the artful penetration of spies, by espousal, by using the enemy’s own weight to bring him down, and the consequent disarming of jihadism from within.
Over a fancy dinner with the filmmakers and the high end of the cast, I don’t remember either Philip or myself talking much about the actual role of Bachmann; just more generally, about such things as the care and maintenance of secret agents and the pastoral role incumbent on their agent runners. Forget blackmail, I said. Forget the macho. Forget sleep deprivation, locking people in boxes, simulated executions and other enhancements. The best agents, snitches, joes, informants or whatever you want to call them, I pontificated, needed patience, understanding and loving care. I like to think he took my homily to heart, but more likely he was wondering whether he could use a bit of that soupy expression I put on when I’m trying to impress.
It’s hard now to write with detachment about Philip’s performance as a desperate middle-aged man going amok, or the way he fashioned the arc of his character’s self-destruction. He was directed, of course. And the director, Anton Corbijn, a cultural polymath in Philip’s class, is many wonderful things: photographer of world renown, pillar of the contemporary music scene and himself the subject of a documentary film. His first feature, “Control” in black and white, is iconic. He is currently making a movie about James Dean. Yet for all that, his creative talents, where I have seen them at work, strike me as inward and sovereign to himself. He would be the last person, I suspect, to describe himself as a theoretical dramatist, or articulate communicator about the inner life of a character. Philip had to have that dialogue with himself, and it must have been a pretty morbid one, filled with questions like: At which point exactly do I lose all sense of moderation? Or, why do I insist on going through with this whole thing when deep down I know it can only end in tragedy? But tragedy lured Bachmann like a wrecker’s lamp, and it lured Philip, too.
There was a problem about accents. We had really good German actors who spoke English with a German accent. Collective wisdom dictated, not necessarily wisely, that Philip should do the same. For the first few minutes of listening to him, I thought, “Crikey.” No German I knew spoke English like this. He did a mouth thing, a kind of pout. He seemed to kiss his lines rather than speak them. Then gradually he did what only the greatest actors can do. He made his voice the only authentic one, the lonely one, the odd one out, the one you depended on amid all the others. And every time it left the stage, like the great man himself, you waited for its return with impatience and mounting unease.
We shall wait a long time for another Philip.
John le Carré is the author of “A Most Wanted Man” and, most recently, “A Delicate Truth.” “A Most Wanted Man” will be in theaters on Friday. Copyright © David Cornwell 2014
More about the phrase "illegal immigrants"
Wednesday, July 16, 2014
A Schizophrenic Nation
What's happening to the America that I love so much, the land I spent an impressionable year as a high school exchange student, and where I came back to settle for good eight years later? She's becoming schizophrenic, that's what's happening. And no cure seems to be on the horizon.
A few days ago, some quarters called for an outright firing of a host of Fox News Network talk show for using the word "Chinamen" once instead of "Chinese" although he quickly corrected himself a second later and used "the Chinese" in the same sentence. Naturally, the Chinks in China are now adding fire to the "furor" and clamoring for his dismissal. There are a few cooler commentators in China, though. They slyly are voicing an observation that media personalities in China routinely talk about the Japanese and the Koreans in disparaging terms, but nobody in China is championing for the dismissal of these indelicate users of language.
Superficial political correctness is taking over America by storm and threatening to debase American English. Euphemism is running rampant while the obscenity of the vast and increasing disparity in income between the CEO and the front line worker is allowed to flourish; racial disharmony ignored; problems in education, infrastructures, social safety nets, and immigration barely addressed. America is sinking while the people in charge seem to enjoy in being polite and politically correct. We are told not to use "Negro" because it is "antiquated" and sounds too close to "Nigger" even though blacks address one another as "niggers" all day long. Now, I just learned the top people of Associated Press Stylebook in April of 2013 issued an injunction against using "illegal immigrants" because they "argued" that human beings can't be illegal! These people seem to forget a basic rule in the English language and that is adjectives add extra meanings to, but do not replace, nouns. So in the case of "illegal immigrants", the presence of the adjective "illegal" only calls attention to the fact that these immigrants have entered the land by using unlawful means. Nothing in the word construction of "illegal immigrant" suggests that there are elements of racism and dehumanization, as a well-meaning but over-refined and hyper-sensitive friend of mine recently argued with me. He, as well as the people in charge of the AP Stylebook, seemed to forget that words must be understood within their context and the tone of their delivery.
Yes, I do realize that words are powerful and do matter. But I strongly believe in freedom of speech and expression. Censure should come from self, social interactions, clarity of thoughts, and the law, not from a tyrannical few who are over-polite and bloodless. In language usage, majority rules. I intend to live until the ripe old age of 100 and want to see the confirmation of my hypothesis that as long as the illegal immigration problem unaddressed frontally in America, the word construction "illegal immigrants" continues receiving widespread currency.
July 16, 2014